Philosophy Principles of sound reasoning Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Philosophy Principles of sound reasoning - Essay Example The principle of non-contradiction is a principle that is applicable in philosophical reasoning: It asserts that it is not correct to posit that something is correct while at the same time claiming it is correct. The discussion will attempt to explicate whether some of the commonly used tautologies are contradictory in nature. Additionally, it will explore on whether some tautologies are logically equivalent as well as provision of insights whether some contradictions are contingent. Moreover, the discussion will focus on elaboration of some contingents and determine whether they are logically equivalent in nature. The corpus of logically equivalent tautologies entails a scenario where two different forms of statements have similar truth. On the other hand, the concept of tautology exists in compound statements that are usually true in nature no matter what circumstance it is presented. It is a fact that some tautologies are logically equivalent. It is a fact that some tautologies are usually logically equivalent. For example; this can be presented in the Venn diagram below: The Venn diagram below indicates a scenario where A represents animals with mammary glands and B represents all mammals. The point of intersection represents A&B; meaning A can be B and B can be A. In this regard the first premise indicating that all mammals have mammary glands, which is valid. The second statement is also valid indicating that any animal with mammary glands are mammals. In philosophical dimensions, the aspect of contingency alludes to statements that seem possible untrue or even true when exposed to possible valuation. When a contingency is proposed it may not be necessarily false or to some extent necessarily true. Contradictions are usually true statements that exhibit true nature or could be true in regard to the facet of communication. In this regard, all contradictions may be viewed and contingent in nature.

Read Abigail Solomon-Godeau's essay on Gauguin and answer the Assignment

Read Abigail Solomon-Godeau's essay on Gauguin and answer the questions - Assignment Example This lead to oppression. Gauguin escaped European civilization and technology and took refuge in Tahiti. This action made him live a simple and natural lifestyle. His desire for sexual freedom was manifested in his paintings. He viewed Tahiti as the earthly arcadia of love, naked nymphs and gentle climate to mark it all. He also extended the academic pastoral to include all other non-European models. He believed in celebrating the society of his adoption against colonialism (Solomon-Godeau, 127). What undermined him as primitive is that he took adolescent mistresses as young as fifteen years. He also saw sexual freedom from the male point of view. It concludes that elements of primitivism involves interweave of race, sexual fantasies and power (Solomon-Godeau 130). In the end, he victimized the Tahitians because he regarded them as

Banking Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Banking - Essay Example Mark Angelo, to repay the debt as well as his net asset value, in addition to the assets which Mr. Mark Angelo can offer to the bank as security against the debt . Financial Statement Analysis The financial statement analysis of Mark Equipment Pty Ltd for the present and the past year reveals the following ratios. The examination of the short-term liquidity of an organization can be accomplished through the current ratio, quick ratio and the cash ratio of the organization. The current ratio signifies the organization’s capability to meet its current liabilities and obligations comfortably. The quick ratio exhibits the capacity to meet the urgent liabilities. The cash ratio is beneficial for creditors to determine how quickly the organization can pay off its short-term debt . In this context, it can be observed that the company’s liquidity position had improved from that of the previous year, but it would be preferable if Mark Equipment Pty Ltd could increase the percentage of their current assets. The solvency of an organization can be evaluated through the debt to equity ratio. The debt to equity ratio signifies the amount of assets that were financed by debt relative to the amount financed by equity . Thus, Mark Equipment Pty Ltd had utilized comparatively lesser amount to debt to finance its assets and is less financially leveraged. The profitability of the company as indicated by the net profit margin and the return of equity as well as that on assets is very low. Therefore, it can be inferred that the company had not utilized its assets and equity proficiently4. In contrast the gross profit margin of the company is very high, implying that the company’s operating expenses are elevated. The fixed asset turnover ratio of the company indicates that it generates fairly decent value of revenue per unit currency of its fixed assets5. However, the total asset and the equity turnover ratios of the company are relatively low and have also decreased from the previous year. Consequently, the financial analysis reveals that though the company possesses decen t values of revenue as well as gross profit and

Exploring Community Health Nursing Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Exploring Community Health Nursing - Assignment Example On the other hand, the concept of health is broadly defines as a state of well being that results from the harmonious interactions of the body, soul and the mind. Therefore the term community health is defined by meeting the particular needs and wants of a community by identifying the problems they face and managing the interactions within the community (Cradduck, 2000). The community health nurses are generally primary health care providers in various places often working in an expanded role in conjunction with other medical care professionals. In addition to homecare, public and community health care service, community health nurses provide treatment and emergency care services, x-rays and crisis management within the community. Their main purpose is to provide community health promotion services in a specific community in accordance with the philosophy and objectives of the authority and to promote the prevention of diseases, maintain health and the overall health as well as wellb eing of the community. This paper therefore seeks to have an insight on the nature, scope and role of community health nursing, and an analysis of the impact of Public Health Care and the Canadian Community Health Nursing Standards. Community health nurses play a pivotal role in the community as far as health provision is concerned. They may extend these services to within the health centre, schools, community halls or in patient homes, especially the elderly and are intended to provide a healthy way of living whilst reducing the incidences of death and diseases significantly. Community health nursing services may be provided either on an individual basis or a multi disciplinary team. Mostly they work in cross boundary teams to effectively provide sufficient health care to the society. They work with individuals, families, populations, groups, systems and/or society, with the focus being the health of a person or community and from which motivations nursing actions flow. The nursing standards of practice are applied in different settings where people work, live, play, learn and even worship (Warren et al, 2012). This involves working with a diverse array of people who have different backgrounds. For example, they may work with children (infants, school age and adolescents), children with long term disabilities, families, pregnant women, elderly people whose health is deteriorating, individuals with chronic diseases, disadvantages individuals or groups as well as community organizations such as schools, churches and social services agencies. Community health nurses therefore need to have a broad perspective of the roles they play within the community as regards health provision and promotion. In order to perform their tasks in the most professional way CHN need to posses some characteristics and attributes that are useful especially in the field. These attributes assist the nurses to identify and manage any health hazards while containing problems that are exis tent. Therefore they need to be very flexible and be highly adaptable to the different environments. This is because the environments keep changing as well as the pandemics that strike. This calls for nurses with physical and emotional stamina, good communication skills, problem solving skills as well as critical thinking abilities (Goottschalk, 2000). Another characteristic that is crucial is the ability to motivate as well as supervise

Banking Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Banking - Essay Example Mark Angelo, to repay the debt as well as his net asset value, in addition to the assets which Mr. Mark Angelo can offer to the bank as security against the debt . Financial Statement Analysis The financial statement analysis of Mark Equipment Pty Ltd for the present and the past year reveals the following ratios. The examination of the short-term liquidity of an organization can be accomplished through the current ratio, quick ratio and the cash ratio of the organization. The current ratio signifies the organization’s capability to meet its current liabilities and obligations comfortably. The quick ratio exhibits the capacity to meet the urgent liabilities. The cash ratio is beneficial for creditors to determine how quickly the organization can pay off its short-term debt . In this context, it can be observed that the company’s liquidity position had improved from that of the previous year, but it would be preferable if Mark Equipment Pty Ltd could increase the percentage of their current assets. The solvency of an organization can be evaluated through the debt to equity ratio. The debt to equity ratio signifies the amount of assets that were financed by debt relative to the amount financed by equity . Thus, Mark Equipment Pty Ltd had utilized comparatively lesser amount to debt to finance its assets and is less financially leveraged. The profitability of the company as indicated by the net profit margin and the return of equity as well as that on assets is very low. Therefore, it can be inferred that the company had not utilized its assets and equity proficiently4. In contrast the gross profit margin of the company is very high, implying that the company’s operating expenses are elevated. The fixed asset turnover ratio of the company indicates that it generates fairly decent value of revenue per unit currency of its fixed assets5. However, the total asset and the equity turnover ratios of the company are relatively low and have also decreased from the previous year. Consequently, the financial analysis reveals that though the company possesses decen t values of revenue as well as gross profit and

Military rape Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Military rape - Essay Example However, today female soldiers working in the US military are also extremely vulnerable to sexual molestations mostly by their male counterparts (Whitten, 1999). As a result of the increasing rate of the military rape, today young people, particularly female candidates are reluctant to join the army (Nantais & Lee, 1999). This paper will specifically discuss the intensity of military rape in the US with particular reference given to various elements of sexual behavior. This will also discuss four different theories like the feminist theory, the cultural pathology theory, the strategic rape theory, and the biosocial theory in order to identify the root causes of military rape. Background Rape, sexual assault, and sexual harassment that occur during military service are generally termed as Military Sexual Trauma (MST) by the Department of Veterans Affairs (DVA). The term ‘wartime rape’ indicates mass wartime rape rather than isolated examples of rape by individual soldiers . Admittedly, there are no reliable statistical data on wartime rape due to pressures from superior officers and the reluctance of victims to come forward. Reports indicates that increases in the frequency of wartime rape might range from an estimated 300% to 400% by the end of the World War II (Gottschall, 2004). While analyzing the available statistics relating to the number of cases reported, it seems that military rape has been becoming a mounting challenge to the US army. According to some estimates, more than half a million people have been raped while serving the US army; and nearly 100,000 cases of military rape have been occurred within the past seven years (Koss, 2004). Although both men and women in the military are exposed to sexual harassments, women are the major victims of unwanted sexual behaviors. To illustrate, a 1996 Department of Defense survey conducted on 90,000 active duty members (including men and women) revealed that 55 percent women reported unwanted uninv ited sexual attention or behaviors whereas the same was reported by only 14 percent men; and the survey also indicated that 78 percent women and 38 percent men experienced one or another form of sexual harassment or sexual assault (Koss, 2004). Unfortunately, many of these cases go unreported due to various reasons, and a significant percent of the reported cases fail to go to full trial or investigations. A recently published report indicates that â€Å"only 3 to 4 percent of cases reported to the Army Criminal Investigation Division proceed all the way through the system to court martial† (Koss, 2004). Evidently, this situation points to the sexual behaviors of military personnel which can increase the rate of military rape. A Detailed Study As discussed already, the incidence of military rape has been significantly increasing over the last decade. Many of the female soldiers who took part in the Iraq war reported that they were raped by their male counterparts. Some studie s point out the possibility that one out of every four women that serve the military will have to face some form of sexual assault within the time span of their careers (Kitfield, 2012). (Details of this citation not found in the proposal you sent. So not included in the reference list). According to Pentagon reports, over 19,000 sexual assaults occur in the US military annually and this data include the cases of both the genders.

Geographic Information System (GIS) Benefits and Constraints

Geographic Information System (GIS) Benefits and Constraints Benefits and Constraints of Using Geographic Information System (GIS) 1. Introduction 1.1 Research Background This is no more evident than in the proliferation of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) across a variety of disciplines, with the common goal of capturing, storing, analysing and visualizing spatial information. GIS in practice, by virtue of its technical complexity and cost, has traditionally been limited to the operations of Governments and commercial organisations (Craig et al., 2002). Despite these barriers non-profit organisations and community groups are increasingly looking to adopt GIS on the premise that it will be able to positively transform their operations through better decision making and influencing public policy through greater analysis and the presentation of professional visualisations (Sieber, 2000b, Sieber, 2000a). Given this burgeoning interest, there has been a concerted effort by GIS and Society (GISoc) research groups to develop and espouse concepts such as Public Participation GIS (PPGIS) which provides a unique approach to make GIS and spatial data availa ble to non-traditional users allowing them to integrate local knowledge and engage in decision making (Sieber, 2006). 1.2 Research Objectives The focus of this research project is to investigate the benefits and constraints for the application of a Geographic Information System (GIS) within a community based project. Specifically the research considers a reframing of PPGIS to help better guide the processes, resources and characteristics required to implement a community based GIS. The following questions will guide the research and development of the community-based GIS: Do contemporary PPGIS pragmatic approaches address the original ontological debates of GIS and Society? Can psychogeographic principles help better guide the requirements for a community based GIS? What spatial data sets are available and usable for community groups within Melbourne, Victoria? Do available datasets satisfy the requirements of community groups? Can community knowledge be effectively integrated with traditional spatial data sources? 1.3 Research Rationale As people become more aware of local, regional and global issues through the mainstream media and the Internet they, as a result, expect to be better informed by Governments and organisations and allowed to contribute to decisions that shape their own lives and the society in which they live. If those issues comprise spatial knowledge, then a GIS is a natural option for facilitating discussions and conveying local knowledge (Carver, 2003). Despite this opportunity to empower communities many GIS practices (including PPGIS) and available spatial data often do not adequately represent community needs and concerns (Elwood, 2006). This research thus aims to explore and develop a framework for which current GIS and related technologies can be successfully reconstructed to allow communities to express their own knowledge about place and spatial relations through visualizations and narratives. Specifically, the proposed research has been designed to assist the Blackburn Lake Sanctuary (BLS) Advisory Committee to implement a GIS which will be enable them to store and map the location of various vegetation and salient features within the BLS in Melbourne, Victoria. By integrating publicly available data sets with community knowledge it is hoped that it will further legitimise the activities of the BLS Advisory Committee while not compromising their goal of contributing to local government policy and increasing the effectiveness of their activities. 1.4 Research Methodology Contained here is an outline of the subsequent chapters and research methodology. The research will be organised into three major chapters literature review; case study; and discussion and conclusions. Chapter Two Literature review examines the relevant literature regarding GIS and Society, PPGIS and psychogeography providing an overview of the historical background and ontological framework of these research paradigms. An examination of the principles of psychogeography and the research design of previous PPGIS studies will be completed, providing a comparative study of their different methodologies and methods. These comparisons will assist in developing a theoretical framework for a community-based GIS which will guide the case study to follow. Chapter Three Case study introduces the Blackburn Lake Sanctuary case study and attempts to implement the methods established within the theoretical framework introduced in chapter two. An exploratory case study has been employed because it is a valuable method for investigating the nature and effects of implementing technology within a complex milieu (Sieber, 2000b). In order to increase the rigour and validity of the case study observations, open-ended interviews and questionnaires will be conducted. Chapter Four Discussion and conclusions reviews the research objectives in relation to the major research findings as well as the limitations of the methods and theories employed. Pattern matching techniques will be employed to compare the observed and verified information with the framework developed through the research project. If the observed and predicted information correspond then the research methodology maybe strongly validated (Sarantakos, 1998). This chapter also addresses the limitations of the research and future research opportunities. 1.5 Conclusion This chapter has established the objectives and rationale for conducting research into developing a community-based GIS. A research methodology has also been proposed to describe how the research statement and associated objectives will be achieved. The next chapter will review the relevant literature including theoretical models and research methodologies used by previous researchers in the field of PPGIS and psychogeography. 2. Literature Review 2.1 Introduction In the previous chapter, the objectives, rationale and methodology were presented to help guide the research into developing a community-based GIS. The research outlined in this thesis covers a number of interdisciplinary fields all of which are continually evolving. These fields include public participation GIS (PPGIS), community mapping and psychogeography. This chapter begins by investigating the role of GIS in society including the motivation and foundation for PPGIS and the advantages and disadvantages of PPGIS praxis. The chapter also explores the topic of psychogeography and the reasons why its principles may help characterise and drive the successful development of a community GIS. 2.2 GIS and Society a brief history Mountains dark with forests rose above the rooftops, the jagged black summits silhouetted against the evening light. Higher than them all, though, was the tip of the Schneeberg, glowing, translucent, throwing out fire and sparks, towering into the dying brightness of a sky across which the strangest of greyish-pink cloud formations were moving, while visible between them were the winter planets and crescent moon. (Sebald, 2002: 50) Storytelling is an extremely powerful means for conveying an image of the world and in some way or another every story takes place somewhere and relates knowledge of geography and a sense of place (Cartwright, 2004, Erle et al., 2005, Cartwright et al., 2009). One way to represent geographic stories and our understanding of the spatial organisation of the physical environment and its relationship with humans is through a map. An attempt to bring together the science of geography with the art of map making has been the Geographic Information System (GIS) which is a computer system for capturing, storing, querying, analysing and displaying geographically referenced data (Chang, 2008). What differentiates a GIS from other databases and computer systems is its ability to combine large amounts of spatial data from diverse sources, group the data into layers or categories, analyse the data for patterns or relationships and produce improved visualizations (Sieber, 2000a, Sieber, 2000b). Fo r these reasons GIS technology has become an important tool for use by many levels of Government, Universities and organisations involved in activities ranging from conservation, advertising and marketing, health, crime, land-use planning and social services or any activity containing a spatial component (Sieber, 2006). However it is only recently that GIS use has expanded to non-traditional users such as non-profit organisations and community groups. This accessibility has been the result of decreased costs in hardware, software and improved user interfaces which means the user no longer has to learn specialised command languages (Craig et al., 2002). The attraction to the utility of GIS, by non-traditional users, is much the same as traditional users in that it can assist in new ways of understanding a problem, but it may also help in influencing public policy through more sophisticated analysis and the presentation of professional looking images (Sieber, 2000b). Despite this perceived ease-of-use and increasing ubiquity, the GIS has been criticised by some circles as being an elitist technology which merely enhances existing power structures (Carver, 2003). This critique is heavily influenced by postmodernist principles, which place an increasing emphasis on the contributions of wider society and recognises that knowledge and values are constructed through a multiplicity of social and cultural forces. These arguments first surfaced within the paradigm of critical cartography which exposed the inherent subjectivity in, and rhetorical content of maps, thus implying that maps are as much a reflection of (or metaphor for) the culture that produces them, as they are an abstraction of the physical environment (MacEachren, 1995). These examinations have also been employed within social and critical GIS debates which challenge the use of GIS in decision making as being objective and neutral. Instead it has been maintained that GIS utility is often c onfined to experts whom produce privileged knowledge given their unique access to data, technology, resources and position to structure the inquiry and design the output (Duncan and Lach, 2006). This view of GIS as a return to the principles of technocratic positivism may be construed as anti-democratic because decisions reliant on a GIS may exclude diverse forms of spatial data, such as community knowledge, in favour of ordered Government data conceptualised into points, lines and areas (Crampton and Krygier, 2006). Many academics, such as Pickles (1995), believe that the increased popularity of GIS within the geography discipline has meant that the availability and access to geographic data has become more influential than knowledge or experience of a unique environment or subject (Craig et al., 2002). Concerns regarding the hegemonic and subjective role of GIS lead to a number of workshops in the mid-nineties on GIS and Society (GISoc) sponsored by the National Centre for Geographic Information and Analysis (NCGIA) (Craig et al., 2002). GISoc was focused on how the spread of the technology was affecting the political, economic, legal and institutional structures of society; and how societal processes affect the form taken by the technology itself (Carver, 2003: 65). GISoc research furthermore questioned whether current GIS practices and available spatial data adequately represented community needs and concerns and whether a new ontological framework was needed to help empower less privileged groups in society (Elwood, 2006). It was questioned whether it would be possible to develop a bottom-up GIS which could successfully incorporate community participation and thus either displace or validate decisions made with top-down GIS approaches, implemented in most Government and commerci al GIS projects (Craig et al., 2002). From these reflections the notion of Public Participation GIS (PPGIS) was developed and defined as a variety of approaches to make GIS and other spatial decision-making tools available and accessible to all those with a stake in official decisions. (Schroeder, 1996) In other words, the intention of PPGIS praxis was to incorporate local community perspectives into decision making, ideally leading to solutions which might otherwise not have been attained using traditional data sources and esoteric problem framing and analysis (Carver, 2003). Even though PPGIS was initially seen as a reconstructed democratic GIS, there is still much polarized debate regarding whether GIS technology is empowering or marginalising. These opinions, however, can often be seen as a reactive and predisposed view of information technology (IT) in which individuals and groups must react to the technology as having a positive or negative social effect (Sieber, 2000a). The effectiveness and social and political implications of GIS use within communities, however is much more complex and is generally contingent on a set of unique local factors such as culture, policies, standards, people and technology (Duncan and Lach, 2006). While PPGIS applications are an extremely positive move to address the original GISoc concerns regarding the social, political and knowledge practices of GIS contemporary PPGIS have seemingly introduced new contradictions concerning data access, representation and hegemony (Elwood, 2006). For instance, although much literatur e acknowledges the importance of bridging the gap between technology and community knowledge, many PPGIS applications continue to adopt a technocratic view of GIS and are often lacking extensive public interaction let alone the integration of community data (Sieber, 2006). The next section of this thesis examines more closely the current contradictions in PPGIS applications, paying particular attention to the ambiguities in the use of the terms public and participation. The purpose in critiquing the underlying assumptions of these terms is to further an understanding of the original ontological meaning of PPGIS and how the varying use of the terms has affected the incorporation of community knowledge in PPGIS projects. 2.3 What does the Public and Participation in PPGIS really mean? Any process or technology which enhances a communities access to information and provides the chance to participate in decision making should be seen as a step in the right direction; however the original ontological framing of GISoc has become misconstrued by some practices of PPGIS (Carver, 2003). The original concept and application of PPGIS has been reshaped and become more disparate over the years as a range of disciplines (such as urban planning and conservation), have applied different approaches and technologies to achieve a unique set of priorities and goals (Sieber, 2006). Furthermore the growing enthusiasm of Governments and commercial organisations for participatory planning has lead to a number of diverse initiatives which vary in terms of the inclusiveness of community knowledge and empowerment potential (Elwood, 2006). However, public participation is a complicated concept that can have multiple meanings which lead to numerous interpretations and societal expectations (Schlossberg and Shuford, 2005). An examination of the nature of public and participation practices in GIS applications is thus critical in developing a greater understanding of the ambiguities in the PPGIS process and how these may have diverged from the original vision of GISoc. It is extremely important to identify whom the public is when engaging a PPGIS project because it will ultimately determine who is included within the project and what types of outcomes and goals may be achievable (Schlossberg and Shuford, 2005). The Collins English Dictionary (1982) defines public (adj) as a means of relating to, or concerning the people as a whole reflecting the intended meaning within PPGIS; and many applications do continue to be developed for a general public (Sieber, 2006). There is however a number of PPGIS projects who take a more ambiguous view of public and often use it interchangeably with definitions which more loosely resemble a stakeholder. In other words many projects deem their public to be those who are affected by, bring knowledge or information to, and possess the power to influence a decision or program (Sieber, 2006). The public and their interests are often, however, very different from stakeholders and thus would heavily influence the problem f raming and objectives of a GIS project (Wood, 2005). Furthermore a public can be demarcated by a range of factors such as geographical, economic, social or political; and the composition of a public may change over time (Schlossberg and Shuford, 2005). Determining what constitutes the public has become especially complicated as technology has become more pervasive. For instance a web-based GIS may potentially be accessible by a wider portion of society however it raises questions around digital divides and geographic scale. Thus, is anyone who is able to access the application still deemed part of the public even though they maybe geographically distant to the issue and decision making? (Sieber, 2006) In general people local to an issue should be interested enough to get involved in a debate given their geographic proximity. It has been demonstrated however that as scale increases not only do people at regional, national and global levels become interested and involved in an issue but also a higher percentage of people at the local do as well because it has amplified into a wider discourse (Carver, 2003). Consequently Aitken (2002) suggests that instead of perceiving issues or decision making as being scale dependent and developing PPGIS projects for stakeholders which have their scale fixed, GIS projects should, alternatively, be directing their attention towards developing a GIS which would enable community issues and knowledge to jump scale from local to larger public discourses or vice versa (Aitken, 2002, Sieber, 2006). This is an important aspect because there is often a concern that local activities are dismissed as being part of community politics and are denied significant advancements by State and Federal Governments and thus the opportunity to emerge and engage individuals at all scales (Aitken, 2002). From this perspective a community-based GIS, where community is defined as a group of individuals who are bound together by a common characteristic or a common intent and who enjoy a relatively high degr ee of mutual social interaction (Jones et al., 2004: 105) offers the prospect of transcending the rigid scale conceptualised upon community politics and local activism enabling them to contest structures of power and dominance at the very scales they exist (Aitken, 2002, Gaile and Willmott, 2005). Harris and Weiner (1998) acknowledged in their research on the power relations associated with GIS use that participatory GIS practices have the potential to simultaneously empower and marginalise groups (Sieber, 2006). As a result it is imperative to understand the nature of the participatory process and who benefits and why (Craig et al., 2002). One such way to help conceptualise the levels of public participation is through a ladder metaphor. First conceived by Arnstein (1969), the basic premise of the participation ladder is that each rung of the ladder represents a different level of participation the bottom rung represents zero opportunity to participate while each rung above represents increased level of participation in the decision making and thus greater public empowerment (Carver, 2003). Wiedemann and Femers (1993) later produced an adaptation of the ladder which conceived of public participation as not only providing access to information but also suggesting that inform ing the public of decisions is another form of participation (Tulloch and Shapiro, 2003). This concept is significantly flawed as it firstly misrepresents the commonly understood meaning of the word participation in PPGIS which The Collins English Dictionary (1982) defines as to take part, be or become involved, or share. Secondly the ladder metaphors do not acknowledge the potential for participation to change over a period of time (Schlossberg and Shuford, 2005). Thirdly, the participation models fail to include oppositional groups whom do not cooperate with public decision making but participate in the formation public policy through other influential methods such as protests (Sieber, 2006). The incorporation of the word participation in many GIS projects implies a method of consensus building which presupposes a level of top-down decision-making as well as a degree of homogenization between participants. Certain individuals however may be better able to participate or contribute to decision making than others. Consequently, disproportional levels of participation may effectively disempower individuals and adversely affect the desired outcomes of a community (Sieber, 2006). Consequently some scholars have insisted on applying participatory for autonomous grassroots activities and employing participation to describe those projects which are more top-down in their approach (Elwood, 2006). Again while this is a neat way to demarcate GIS projects which employ various degrees of top-down and bottom-up methods these definitions fail to acknowledge that both methodologies are crucial to any successful GIS project and community decision making. In fact it is fervently maintained that in order to enable citizens to better identify and comprehend how the role of GIS and technical discourses are bound up in decision making and how decision making can be informed by GIS knowledge, communities must have access to spatial information developed by Governments and commerc ial organisations as well as contributing their own spatial knowledge (Brown, 1998). Within this section it has been demonstrated that the attitudes and arguments that frame many PPGIS projects have succeeded in producing an illusion of influence and contribution by communities to decision making when actual control still resides with the traditional powers, such as Government. Instead of attempting to build an impossible consensus amongst a public with disparate tastes, values and experiences, a community-based GIS should concentrate on developing a communitys ability to construct their own facts with the aid of available third party resources, from which their personal geographic stories may emerge and translate to various members of society (Wood, 2005). Another way forward could be to draw upon principles of Situational psychogeography which also attempts to combine subjective and objective modes of study by positing that ones self cannot be divorced from the urban environment and that ones psyche and knowledge of the city must transcend the individual if it is t o be of any use in the collective rethinking of the city (Sadler, 1998, Wood, 2005). In the following section an examination of the origins of psychogeography will be conducted clarifying how the principles behind this practice may help establish a framework for practice of GIS and Society and specifically the incorporation of local knowledge in GIS. 2.4 What exactly is Psychogeography? During the 1950s a number of highly politicised groups emerged in opposition to the ideals of modernism; these groups promoted programs that would reform the practice of art and life by directly intervening in the human environment and bringing about a social revolution (Sadler, 1998). One such group were the Lettrist International who conceived of the notion of Unitary Urbanism, which would later be the developed into the praxis of Psychogeography. Unitary Urbanism was envisaged as the theory of the combined use of arts and techniques for the integral construction of a milieu in dynamic relation with experiments in behaviour. (Knabb, 2006: 52) In other words, Unitary Urbanism was considered a social project whose vision was the unification of space and architecture with the social and individual body (Sadler, 1998). In 1957 the Lettrist International and the International Movement for an Imaginist Bauhaus (IMIB) merged to form a new artistic-activist movement known as the Situationist International (SI). The SI was similarly critical of modernist principles which anteceded the rational mind at the expense of the imagination. These criticisms are most clearly evident in the SIs opposition to modern architecture and urban planning which they argued shaped people into rigid patterns of behaviour (Sadler, 1998). Furthermore they believed that increasing urbanism and capitalism had reduced life to mere production and consumption behaviour that ensured that everything that was directly lived has moved away into a representation. (Debord, 1964) In other words experienced space had been reduced into mere representations of spaces and in turn re-envisaged as capitalist spaces (McDonough, 2002). SI believed that members of society were increasingly experiencing life as spectators devoid of dialogue and wi thout a sense of being involved or interacting with one another. Once this spectacle of modernity and urbanism, represented through images, products and activities, and authorised by the state, had been unveiled, society would be able to rediscover the authenticity of city life underneath (Debord, 1964). By resisting the hegemony of the state the SI sought to radically transform urban spaces through different practices including the subversion of cartography. Specifically by directing the spectators senses towards the contradictions in the abstractions and mediations of the state, the aim was to draw the spectator into activity by provoking his capacities to revolutionize his own life (Debord, 1957: 25). Taking from the original methodology of Unitary Urbanism, psychogeography was proposed as a method of urban investigation which studies the precise laws and specific effects of the geographical environment, consciously organised or not, on the emotions and behaviour of individuals. (Debord, 1955) In other words, psychogeography was intended as a methodology to help make people aware of the ways in which the urban environment and everyday life is conditioned and controlled and encouraged the exposing of these concerns (Plant, 1992). Psychogeography in practice utilised a technique conceived as the Theory of the Dà ©rive, in which individuals dà ©rive (literally: drifting) through an environment letting themselves be drawn by the attractions of the terrain while still seeking to unmask the contradictions in the abstracted space (Plant, 1992). The dà ©rive was an attempt to reappropriate the meaning of the city by removing the myths in the states representations by having people walk and experience the landscape first hand, thus constructing through narratives a more concrete collective space (Mcdonough, 1994). While the dà ©rive offered a new way of surveying urban space, a new way of representing these spaces had yet to be found. The SI were not disillusioned with the idea of mapping practices, in fact they regarded mapping as an important component to aid in the changing and organisation of urban spaces (Pinder, 1996). They believed however, that the structures and imperatives utilised in mapping exposed the desires of those wishing to impose order upon the city. The SI ambition was thus to illustrate the strange logic and apparent disorder of cities by producing maps which demonstrated those intimacies of the city typically absent from a traditional street or topographic map (Sadler, 1998). Consequently the SI developed a concept called Dà ©tournement, which loosely translates as a diversion or rerouting of pre-existing aesthetic elements (Knabb, 1995). An example of this is where existing maps and aerial photographs were juxtaposed or rearranged to produce a new spatial meaning; an a lternative experiential or existential truth (Ungar, 2005). Thus the SI were able to reconstruct the cartography of a city by reconciling conventional geographies, sociologies, and cartographies together with experienced spaces, producing a map which is terrestrial, fragmented, subjective, temporal, and cultural (Sadler, 1998: 82). While Debord announced the disbandment of the SI in 1972, the traditions underpinning psychogeography continue to influence many works of literature, films, urban design and geographic practices (Ford, 2005). Wood (2005) draws attention to one contemporary psychogeography project Jake Bartons City of Memory which combines psychogeographic principles with a GIS to build a collective urban memory through the participation of a number of people. In an interview with Wood, Jake Barton described his project as utilising top-down and bottom-up resources to create an emergent and curated experience. Precisely by extending these terms to form the foundation of any GIS and Society project, Wood hypothesised that what would emerge was a GIS designed by a third-party or community-based intermediary (top-down); the public would formulate a specific framework that fits their unique goals (bottom-up); the bottom-up and top-down activities and goals are not independent of each other, but rather c o-exist (curated); the outcome of the project has not been foreseen or influenced towards a specific outcome by any party, but rather emerges organically from the facts obtained and analysed (emergent). Thus resulting in a map and information which has not been exactly made by the public but which without it has no content at all and deflates into a frame around nothing (Wood, 2005: 13). Following on from this preliminary research by Wood a wider investigation of these terms will be conducted, laying the framework for a more appropriate community-based GIS as originally envisaged in GISoc debates. 2.5 Top-down Top-down integration of GIS is usually undertaken by an outside individual or agency who provides the GIS model, data, analysis and representation (Talen, 2000). Often the major distinction between a top-down and bottom-up approach, in participatory projects, is determined by where the decision making lies and by the level of commitment required by the public. With a top-down approach a Government or organisation would typically provide the data and representations which would be used in deliberation with the public, who are required to make a short-term commitment. In contrast, a bottom-up approach would require the public to have ongoing access to GIS data and the resources to capture data, conduct analysis and produce representations (Talen, 2000). Governments and commercial planners will often implement a participatory GIS with top-down goals in order to better understand a neighbourhood dynamic, improve public sector management and enhance social service provision. This process theoretically serves the public by introducing policies and services based on a communitys perception of the data, analysis and representations framed by Governments and planners (Sieber, 2006). Top-down GIS models can also help circumvent deterrents such as cost, complexity and access to data which often impeded non-profit and community groups from implementing a GIS. The cost of hardware and GIS software have decreased dramatically over the years and there are now many open source GIS solutions available for free use; however it has been shown that any cost and resources required in the implementation, operation and maintenance of equipment, no matter the amount, will be a significant barrier for adoption, especially for underprivileged groups (Brodnig and Mayer-Schà ¶nberger, 2000, Leitner et al., 2002). Furthermore many individuals may lack knowledge about the availability and means of obtaining a GIS and spatial data (Elwood, 2007). Many of the GIS packages available are user-friendly for many operations, however the more functionality a group requires for their GIS, the greater